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The following article originally appeared in the Winter, 2008 issue of "The American Journal of Family Law." We are grateful to editor Ron Brown for his gracious cooperation in agreeing to have us post it here.

The Psychology of Divorce: A Lawyer's Primer Part 2 - The Effects of Divorce on Children

In a previous article, I reviewed the effects of divorce on the divorcing individuals.1 In this second article of the series, I shall discuss the effects on the children of those couples, a group which too often falls victim to irreparable marriages.  There are a number of ways in which children may be impacted by parental divorce, and, as is generally the case when divorce is studied, there is variation and disagreement in the literature about the nature and severity of adverse consequences to children.

Before commencing a review of that literature, it might be helpful to put into perspective how far-reaching the effects of divorce are for children. Though somewhat disputed, it is generally believed that the divorce rate in the United States hovers around 50%. One-half to two-thirds of those who divorce remarry. One of every six adults in the U.S. divorces two or more times. Half of all divorces involve minor children, with one million children a year joining the ranks. Forty percent of children in this country will experience parental divorce, and half of them will reside at least temporarily in a single parent household. One in three will live with a step-parent for some period of time before the age of 19.2

Length and Severity of Adjustment Problems

While researchers agree that there are differences in life adjustment and psychological well-being between children of divorce and those from intact families, there is considerable disagreement about how large those differences are and how long they last. For some decades through the 1990s findings indicated that children of divorce scored lower on measures of academic success, conduct, psychological adjustment, social competence, and health.3ii Evidence suggested that these negative effects lasted into adulthood.4v 5">[v Summarizing their 25 year longitudinal study in a 2004 article, Wallerstein and Lewis concluded that the lives of these children "changed radically almost overnight," that 25 years after the divorce the now-adult children still recalled the shock, unhappiness, loneliness, bewilderment, and anger, and that divorce is not an acute stressor from which children recover, but rather is "a life-transforming experience."6

In more recent years, while disagreement about impact remains, there has been a trend toward finding more benign long-term outcome s. Studies have concluded that children do indeed struggle as their families come apart, and that they score lower on a variety of indices than children of married parents. But the effect sizes have been found to be smaller, and in some cases not to last as long as had been previously believed.7 8 9

In their landmark longitudinal study of some 1300 families over two decades, Hetherington and Kelly found that children of divorce do less well than other children and struggle to cope with the divorce, but that by two years after the divorce 80% are not significantly different on measures of adjustment compared to children of intact families.10

Amato points out that while divorce was previously discussed in terms of significant damage to children, a close examination of findings through the '70s, '80s, and '90s shows poorer performance on indices by children of divorce, but that the effect sizes are small (usually less than a quarter of a standard deviation), and have remained similar in magnitude in more recent studies.11 Amato also summarizes findings on the long-term effects. He notes that some studies show short-term distress followed by gradual recovery (Hetherington's and Kelly's conclusions), while others indicate that the differences between children of divorced and intact families actually increases over time, with short-term recovery followed by decline in young adulthood.12

Explanations of the contradictory findings often focus on lack of agreement on the nature of the phenomena being studied, the tendency toward personal investigator beliefs that cloud the research effort, and differences in methodology. Laumann-Billings and Emery, for instance, point out that different researchers are often measuring different phenomena depending on the instruments or methodologies employed. Studies that rely on clinical interviews (as Wallerstein and Lewis did) find more psychological and emotional distress than those using objective, standardized measures. They surmise that clinicians label difficult feelings, memories, and events as psychological disorder, while academic researchers' instruments may fail to pick up subtle effects.13

In an attempt to reconcile the differences in empirical findings, between studies, Amato summarizes them as follows. There is agreement among studies that children of divorce are more likely to experience psychological difficulties than children from intact families, and those effects are likely to continue into adulthood. Those differences are statistically significant, though weak to moderate in size of effect. So while long-term effects are not as pervasive or strong as Wallerstein found, divorce is unquestionably a risk factor for psychological problems during childhood and into adulthood. Adult children of divorce tend to experience less satisfaction with their lives, higher rates of depression and anxiety, and lower self-esteem. Studies generally support Wallerstein's conclusion that this population exhibits particular difficulties in their adult intimate relationships, including lower levels of marital satisfaction, more marital discord, more thoughts about divorce, and more divorce.14

Amato's summary of the research findings accurately represents the current state of understanding of the effects of parental divorce on children. But the relationship between the act of parental divorce and these adverse outcomes is not a linear cause-and-effect one. Both the degree of psychological difficulty and the types of problems encountered are subject to a number of risk and protective factors which we shall discuss shortly. But first we turn to an examination of some of the adjustment problems in greater detail.

Psychological Problems

It has been suggested that growing up is harder when a child's parents are divorced, either in terms of psychological symptoms or at least in degree of subjective distress. Children of divorce display higher levels of depression and anxiety, lower self-esteem, and more frequent use of psychological services.15 16 17 Girls from divorced families have, in some cases, been found to be significantly more depressed than girls from intact families, while boys are more hopeless and discouraged as the level of family distress increases.19">[xix Greater levels of depression have been found to continue into adulthood, with both men and women reporting comparatively lower levels of psychological well-being.20 2

It is salient to note that some of the differences in psychological well-being can be attributed to the financial disadvantages experienced by children of divorce in comparison to their peers from married families. Women's standards of living usually decline more than those of men following divorce.22">[xxii 23">[xxiii Most children of divorce live primarily with their mothers and hence live with a lower family income.24">[xxiv 25">[xxv They move more often to new residences and to poorer neighborhoods. These children thus experience yet another form of loss, experience the higher levels of depression correlated with difficult economic conditions, and have lower academic achievement, including a lower rate of college attendance.27">[xxvii 28">[xxviii 29 30

Needless to say, these findings are germane to issues of financial settlement in divorce. In the all too frequent battles over support payments and division of assets, angry parents, and at times their lawyers, forget that the post-divorce economic well-being of both spouses can have direct, tangible effects on their children's well-being.

Conduct Problems

Among all the reactions of children of divorce, conduct disorders, antisocial behaviors, and difficulty with authorities produce the largest deleterious effects.31">[xxxi They are two to three times more likely to engage in adolescent delinquent behavior than their peers from intact families, with a higher incidence of conduct problems in boys than in girls.32">[xxxii 33

Adolescent children of divorced families also drink alcohol more frequently and in larger quantities, and are more likely to use drugs.34 35

Academic Performance

Children from divorced families generally exhibit lower academic performance than children from intact families, score lower on academic tests, have lower educational aspirations, are two to three times more likely to drop out of school, and eventually achieve lower levels of education and lower adult occupational status.36 37 38 39

Sexual Activity

Adolescent females from divorced families are more likely to have sex at a younger age than their never-divorced counterparts and have more sexual partners during their high school years.40 41 Residing in a single mother household appears to increase the likelihood of early sexual activity for boys.42

Females from divorced families reach the onset of menarche at an earlier age. There appears to be a relationship between early menstruation and early intercourse. That earlier sexual activity is likely due to the early onset of menstruation in girls with poor self-regulatory skills. This situation occurs because divorced families tend not to teach the skills needed to gain self-control or self-mastery as well as intact families, and because many of these children disengage from their parents at an earlier age.

Relationships

According to Hetherington and Kelly's research, children of divorced parents report feeling close to their mothers in roughly similar proportion to children from intact families (70% vs. 80%).43 But feeling close to father is a different story. While 70% of children with married parents report such closeness, less than one-third of children of divorce report similar feelings. This finding supports other research on the high proportion of disengaged or totally absent fathers following divorces in which continuing conflict between the ex-spouses, custody arrangements that cause fathers to feel marginalized in their children's lives, or avoidance of child support payments drive fathers away from regular contact with their children.44 Adolescents from divorced families perceive their fathers to be less caring, while by early adulthood nearly one-third of these children doubt whether their fathers loved them at all.45 46

With regard to their own romantic relationships in adulthood, children of divorce are more likely to experience marital instability and a slight elevation in their own divorce rates.47 Reasons for this include a sense of conditionality about relationships, wariness to commit, and the perception of divorce as an alternative more readily than children from intact families. A conflictual or contentious home life can also result in generally weaker relationship skills.

Distress vs. Disorder

A study by Laumann-Billings and Emery48 stands out for its distinction between psychological disorder (the benchmark in most studies) and psychological distress. They found that children of divorce are not more anxious or depressed than other children on measures of psychological disorder, but they reported more distressing feelings about their parents' divorces. Most common among them were paternal blame, feelings of loss, and a belief that their lives had been forever impacted by the divorce. They tended to view their personal worlds through the lens of this powerful event, believing that they would have been different people had their parents stayed together. The vast majority of them had come to terms with the divorce in that they did not blame themselves, did not feel doomed to repeat their parents' mistakes, and had been able to separate themselves from their parents' problems. But they believed themselves to have had more difficult childhoods than children of intact families, and they were among the group who tended to question whether their fathers had loved them. Those who lived with one parent reported more loss than those in joint custody arrangements. The nature of the divorce process was important in determining outcome. The degree of conflict, amount of contact with the non-residential parent, remarriage by either parent, and amount of family income all correlated with degree of distress. In particular, the higher the conflict during the divorce, the more likely the child was to see his or her life through the filter of divorce.

Post-Divorce Adjustment Patterns

Turning again to the work of Hetherington and Kelly,49 they delineate several adjustment patterns that are somewhat unique in the literature, and deserving of attention. Five basic patterns are observed to be in place at the time of their six-year follow-up.

Competent-Opportunist

The children in this group got along well with others, were mature, self-regulated, and had few behavior problems. They also tended to be manipulative. They were oriented toward people who could be of use to them and tended to switch friends when they were perceived to be less useful. They did well professionally as young adults.

Competent-Caring

These were the children who had taken on caretaking responsibilities at an early age. They had the same positive characteristics as the competent-opportunistic children, but lacked the manipulative quality. They tended to seek out others whom they could help. This group was mostly female compared to the competent-opportunistic group which was more than half male. They tended to go into helping professions as adults.

Competent-at-a-Cost

This pattern emerged in adolescence. Mostly female, these children began to take care of a dependent parent at an earlier age, and that relationship was more intense than in the competent-caring group. But the inability to solve the parents' problems left them anxious even before the divorce, and unsure of their ability to meet challenges. They tended to set very high standards for themselves and often felt that they had not achieved enough. As adults they were successful socially, academically, and professionally. But they had chronic, low-grade depression and low self-esteem.

Good Enough

This group, representing about half the children in the sample, scores in the middle ranges of just about all measures of adaptation and functioning. They resemble children in the general population in terms of problems.

Aggressive-Insecure

Tending to come from families where conflict, rejection, and neglect were common, these children appeared to experience numerous problems including anger, stress, oppositional behavior, and, in adolescence, alcohol consumption and delinquency. They had the highest pregnancy and suicide rates in the study. The group broke down into two subgroups characterized by either antisocial behavior or by depression and anxiety.

Risk Factors and Protective Factors

The body of literature on the effects of divorce on children, taken as a whole, provides clear indications of what factors of parental divorce pose the greatest risk to the psychological well-being of children and what factors can protect them. Three sets of authors sum these up particularly well and we shall present a compilation of their findings here.50 51 52

Risk Factors

  1. Continuing Conflict Between the Parents - This is probably the single biggest predictor of poor outcome for children. Twenty to twenty-five percent of divorced couples continue the conflict post-divorce. Frequently they carry on their non-ending war in front of the children and undercut each other. Probably the worst experience for the children is when they are used to express a parent's anger, to carry negative messages between the parents, or are encouraged to think poorly of or not have a relationship with the other parent.
  2. Diminished or Incompetent Parenting - Mothers in higher-conflict divorces tend to be less warm and are harsher in discipline, while the fathers of these families are more withdrawn from their children, see them less, and act more impulsively with them. Hetherington and Kelly categorize incompetent parenting into subgroups which they label permissive, authoritarian, disengaged/neglectful, parentifying the child, and conflicted co-parenting. Loss of either parent in terms of contact or quality of parenting has deleterious and sometimes long-lasting effects on children. Inadequate, ineffective, or absent parenting deprives the child of the warmth and support necessary for development of positive self-esteem, and often results in over-control, under-control, or both, by the parents. The latter situation can produce difficulty in learning the relational and self-regulatory skills necessary for successful functioning.53 54 55 56
  3. Economic Decline - This often means changes of location, new schools and activities, and loss of established peer support groups. Such interruptions in the normal flow of functioning add inconsistency in the midst of an already difficult adjustment (the dissolution of the family). The decline in standard of living also means deprivation, and may have effects on the emotional stability and availability of parents, as well as on their parenting effectiveness.
  4. Loss of Non-Parental Supportive Relationships - The splitting of relationships outside the immediate family (frequent during divorce) can mean loss of grandparents, extended family, friends, teachers, coaches, family friends, and others. Such loss deprives the child of familiar and needed support while leading to the sense of disruption and instability already discussed.
  5. Remarriage and Repartnering - Serial attachments and losses by the parents can hinder the development of mature, intimate relationships as the child grows to adulthood. Estimates are that three quarters of divorced men and two thirds of divorced women remarry. Half of divorced adults cohabit before remarrying, others instead of remarriage. One third of children live in remarried or cohabiting homes prior to age 18.57 Repetitive repartnering occurring soon after the divorce is hardest on children's ability to cope and to adjust to the divorce.

Protective Factors

  1. Personal Characteristics of the Child That Lead to Positive Coping

Children who are intelligent, self-regulated, independent, mature, have high self-esteem, and have achieved success fare better than children who do not possess these attributes. In fact, in the Hetherington and Kelly research, children who displayed helplessness, anxiety, insecurity, or anti-social behavior saw those negative tendencies worsen after parental divorce.58 Children with those more desirable characteristics tend to use more active coping skills such as problem-solving or seeking social support, so they are less likely to feel passively impacted by the divorce and less likely to blame themselves.59

  1. The Presence of Positive Social Supports - This protective factor can come from a variety of sources, including a sibling who serves as a buffer against the stressors (usually an older sibling), grandparents, and relationships outside the family, including friends, peer groups, or the presence of an adult mentor such as a teacher, coach, or family friend.

There is a correlation between the presence of good social supports and the positive personal qualities discussed above. Children who possess those qualities seek out supportive relationships more actively and tend to adjust more quickly. As a group they are more physically attractive, have easy-going temperaments, and possess good social skills, all things that make them more appealing to others. Girls receive more support than boys because they tend to be less demanding and easier to parent.60 61

  1. Competent Custodial Parenting - Positive psychological adjustment of the custodial parent is one of the best predictors of positive outcome in their offspring. Such parents are more likely to be warm, socially supportive, provide adequate monitoring and discipline, and have age-appropriate expectations of the kids.62 A parent who combines warmth with appropriate control, and who provides consistency, effective communications, and sound discipline helps the home to be predictable and reassuring for the children and produces the highest achieving and least troubled children after divorce.63
  2. An Involved and Competent Non-Custodial Parent - Sufficient contact and high quality parenting by the non-residential parent, usually the father, is important to the well-being of the children. The quality of the time spent with the children is more important than the quantity, though the latter is not inconsequential. Children of fathers who are supportive, limit-setting, effective disciplinarians, and who communicate at a personal level have higher academic achievement and fewer acting-out or internalizing problems.64 There is abundant evidence that joint physical custody in the absence of parental conflict produces better outcome for children and that cooperative and active co-parenting likewise leads to very beneficial results.65 66 67 68 Of course, it is the divorced couple who can get along and cooperate that is most likely to agree on joint physical custody. Attempts at such an arrangement where conflict ranges on are less likely to work.
  3. Access to Therapeutic Interventions, Including School Based Programs

Conclusions and Recommendations

We have discussed the extent of the impact of divorce on children in our society at the present time, the severity and duration of reactions, the types of problems that occur, the nature of post-divorce adjustment patterns in children, and the mediating factors that put these children at risk or, conversely, protect them from harm. We can conclude that the divorce of one's parents is an upsetting and disruptive event in the lives of these children. The psychological, emotional, and behavioral reactions cause some years of distress or disorder which, for some, can extend into adulthood, affecting even their own marriages. Though the majority of children of divorce recover significantly after a few years, that recovery does not wipe away those years of significant adjustment difficulty, nor is it complete enough to leave this population unscathed.

With this knowledge in mind, the question arises as to whether there is anything that lawyers can do to help the situation. While it would seem that such help is the domain of psychotherapists and divorce coaches, I have pointed out in previous articles that the practice of matrimonial law is to a significant extent a psychological and emotional enterprise whether or not the lawyer wishes it to be.6970 71 Weinstein points out that the system of legal divorce is a child-unfriendly one that, by its very nature, causes harm, rendering the doctrine, "in the best interests of the child," meaningless.72 Robboy suggests that the legal process deals only with "the business of marriage," while not dealing with the broad internal and external effects it causes in divorcing families.73

So is it the lawyer's job to deal with the "whole picture?" This is a highly debatable question, depending on which practitioners one asks, and a question that we shall leave until the final article in this series, in which I shall deal with the effects of family practice on legal professionals and focus on the intertwining of family law and psychology in greater detail. For the present, suffice it to say that there are things a lawyer can do if he or she chooses to do so.

Think holistically - Recognize that divorce is much broader than the settlement to be negotiated. The lawyer's role is often as one member of a team of professionals working with all of the monetary, custodial, psychological, and emotional components of a family coming apart, though the lawyer may never meet the other team members. Some of the wisest advice lawyers give to their clients has nothing to do with the law. Remember the children and encourage clients to do the same.

Encourage reasonableness in clients and steer them toward healthy divorce - When lawyers, either by their own aggressive attitudes or client preference, help clients to engage in conflict with their spouses, it increases the likelihood of damage to the children, and, as we have seen, it is likely to sustain post-divorce conflict, thus producing the most harmful outcomes for the kids. If on the other hand, lawyers can help steer clients into behaviors, attitudes, and positions that are fair, reasonable, and more favorable to a healthy outcome, they have then helped to produce divorces that are more successful. It is wise to keep in mind that the client caught in his own rage or vindictiveness is not someone whose advice should be followed without discussion despite the fact that he is paying the bills.

Keep the children in mind when arriving at a financial settlement - As we have seen, economic decline in the primary residential parent bodes very poorly for the children. Having another parent who is wealthier does not balance it. Having a struggling mother, for instance, is likely to mean more disruption in lifestyle and parenting. Financial settlements that leave non-residential fathers in difficult straits are associated with decreased contact between fathers and children.

Seek custody and parenting arrangements that promote well-being - Joint physical custody is best when possible, but equitable arrangements in which both parents are satisfied is the real goal. If both parents are meaningfully involved in their children's lives and can parent well, their children will benefit. It is often a good idea to have a psychologist knowledgeable in parenting and child development assist in the development of a comprehensive parenting plan. Such plans can be forward looking, anticipating the needs of the children as they grow and develop, and anticipate the future needs of the parents as well.

Establish a team - Have mental health professionals at your disposal who can fill the roles of coach, child specialist, or therapist. To do so is part of a more holistic approach and provides the advantage of having other professionals deal with the psychology of divorce and work with the attorney toward a better outcome for their clients and their clients' children.


End Notes

1 S. Portnoy, "The Psychology of Divorce: A Lawyer's Primer, Part 1 - The Effects of Divorce on Adults, 20(2), American Journal of Family Law, 73-79 (2006).

2 P. Amato, "The Consequences of Divorce for Adults and Children," 62(4), Journal of Marriage and the Family, 1269-88 (2000).

 

3 Ibid.

 

4 C. Ross & J. Mirowsky, "Parental Divorce, Life-Course Disruption And Adult Depression," 61, Journal of Marriage and the Family, 1034-45 (1999).

 

5 J Wallerstein, J. Lewis, & S. Blakeslee, The Unexpected Legacy of Divorce (New York: Hyperion, 2000).

 

6 J. Wallerstein & J. Lewis, "The Unexpected Legacy of Divorce: Report of a 25-Year Study," 21(3), Psychoanalytic Psychology, 353-70 (2004).

 

7 P. Amato, "The Consequences of Divorce for Adults and Children," 62(4), Journal of Marriage and the Family, 1269-88 (2000).

 

8 P. Harland, S. Reijneveld, E. Brugman, S. Verloove-Vanhosick, & F. Verhulst, "Family Factors and Life Events as Risk Factors for Behavioral and Emotional Problems in Children," 11, European Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 176-84 (2002).

 

9 C. Ahrons, We're Still Family: What Grown Children Have to Say About Their Parents' Divorce (New York: Harper Collins, 2004).

 

10 E. Hetherington & J. Kelly, For Better or For Worse: Divorce Reconsidered (New York: Norton, 2002).

 

11 P. Amato, "The Consequences of Divorce for Adults and Children," 62(4), Journal of Marriage and the Family, 1269-88 (2000).

 

12 Ibid.

 

13 L. Laumann-Billings & R. Emery, "Distress Among Young Adults from Divorced Families," 14(4), Journal of Family Psychology, 671-87 (2000).

14 P. Amato, "Reconciling Divergent Perspectives: Judith Wallerstein, Quantitative Family Research, and Children of Divorce," 52(4), Family Relations, 332-40 (2003).

 

15 Ibid.

 

16 J. Wallerstein & J. Lewis, "The Unexpecxted Legacy of Divorce: Report of a 25-Year Study," 21(3), Psychoanalytic Psychology, 353-70 (2004).

17 E. Hetherington & J. Kelly, For Better or For Worse: Divorce Reconsidered (New York: Norton, 2002).

 

18 T. Peris & R. Emery, "A Prospective Study of the Consequences of Marital Disruption for Adolescents: Pre-Disruption Family Dynamics and Post-Disruption Adolescent Adjustment," 33(4), Journal of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology, 694-704 (2004).

 

19 R. Conger & W. Chao, "Adolescent Depressed Mood," In R. Simons & Associates (Eds.), Understanding Differences Between Divorced and Intact families: Stress, Interaction, and Child Outcome (Thousand Oaks, CA.: Sage Publications, 1996).

 

20 C. Ross & J. Mirowsky, "Parental Divorce, Life-Course Disruption and Adult Depression," 61, Journal of Marriage and the Family, 1034-45 (1999).

 

21 P. Amato & J. Sobolewski, "The Effects of Divorce and Marital Discord on Adult Children's Psychological Well-Being," 66, American Sociological Review, 900-21 (2001).

 

22C. Ross, "Reconceptualizing Marital Status as a Continuum of Social Attachment," 57, Journal of Marriage and the Family, 129-40 (1995).

 

23 H. Wang & P. Amato, "Predictors of Divorce Adjustment: Stressors, Resources, and Definitions," 62, Journal of Marriage and the Family, 655-68 (2000).

 

24 B. Smyth, G. Sheehan, & B. Fehlberg, Post-Divorce Parenting Patterns: A Summary of Findings from the Institute's Australian Divorce Transitions Project. Australian Institute of Family Studies," 59, Family Matters, 61-63 (2001).

 

25 S. South, K. Crowder, & K. Trent, "Children's Residential Mobility and Neighborhood Environment Following Parental Divorce and Remarriage," 77(2), Social Forces, 667-93 (1998).

 

26 Ibid.

27 C. Ross & J. Mirowsky, "Parental Divorce, Life-Course Disruption, and Adult Depression," 61, Journal of Marriage and the Family, 1034-45 (1999).

 

28 Y. Sun & Y. Li, "Children's Well-Being During Parents' Marital Disruption Process: A Pooled Time-Series Analysis," 64, Journal of Marriage and the Family, 472-88 (2002).

 

29 J. Kelly & R. Emery, "Children's Adjustment Following Divorce: Risk and Resilience Perspectives," 52(4), Family Relations, 352-62 (2003).

 

30 E. Hetherington & J. Kelly, For Better or For Worse: Divorce Reconsidered (New York: Norton, 2002).

 

31 E. Hetherington and J. Kelly, For Better or For Worse: Divorce Reconsidered (New York: Norton, 2002).

 

32 P. Amato, "Children of Divorce in the 1990s: An Update of the Amato and Keith (1991) Meta-Analysis," 15, Journal of Family Psychology, 355-70 (2001).

 

33 R. Simons & W. Chao, "Conduct Problems," In R. Simons & Associates (Eds.), Understanding Differences Between Divorced and Intact Families: Stress, Interaction, and Child Outcome (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1996).

 

34 W. Jeynes, "The Effects of Recent Parental Divorce on Their Children's Consumption of Alcohol," 30(3), Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 305-19 (2001).

 

35 J. Wallerstein, J. Lewis,, & S. Blakeslee, The Unexpected Legacy of Divorce (New York: Hyperion, 2000).

 

36 P. Amato & B. Keith, "Parental Divorce and the Well-Being of Children: A Meta-Analysis," 110(1), Psychological Bulletin, 26-46 (1991).

 

37 Y. Sun & Y. Li, "Children's Well-being During Parents' Marital Disruption Process: A Pooled Time-Series Analysis," 64, Journal of Marriage and the Family, 472-88 (2002).

 

38 C. Ross & J. Mirowsky, "Parental Divorce, Life-Course Disruption and Adult Depression," 61, Journal of Marriage and the Family, 1034-45 (1999).

 

39J. Kelly & R. Emery, "Children's Adjustment Following Divorce: Risk and Resilience Perspectives," 52(4), Family Relations, 352-62 (2003).

 

40 E. Hetherington & J. Kelly, For Better or For Worse: Divorce Reconsidered (New York: Norton, 2002).

 

41 J. Wallerstein, J. Lewis, & S. Blakeslee, The Unexpected Legacy of Divorce (New York: Hyperion, 2000).

 

42 L. Whitbeck, R. Simons, & E. Goldberg, "Adolescent Sexual Intercourse," In R. Simons & Associates (Eds.), Understanding Differences Between Divorced and Intact Families: Stress, Interaction, and Child Outcome (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1990).

 

43 Ibid.

 

44 L. Laumann-Billings & R. Emery, "Distress Among Young Adults from Divorced Families," 14(4), Journal of Family Psychology, 671-87 (2000).

 

45 Ibid.

 

46 R. Dunlop, A. Burns, & S. Bermingham, "Parent-Child Relations and Adolescent Self-Image Following Divorce," 30(2), Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 117-34 (2001).

47 E. Hetherington & J. Kelly, For Better or For Worse: Divorce Reconsidered (New York: Norton, 2002).

 

48 L. Laumann-Billings & R. Emery, " Distress Among Young Adults from Divorced Families," 14(4), Journal of Family Psychology, 671-87 (2000).

 

49 E. Hetherington & J. Kelly, For Better or for Worse: Divorce Reconsidered (New York: Norton, 2002).

 

50 Ibid.

 

51 J. Kelly & R. Emery, "Children's Adjustment Following Divorce: Risk and Resilience Perspectives," 52(4), Family Relations, 352-62 (2003).

 

52 P. Amato, "The Consequences  of Divorce for Adults and Children," 62(4), Journal of Marriage and the Family, 1269-88 (2000).

 

53 R. Dunlop, A. Burns, & S. Bermingham, "Parent-Child Relations and Adolescent Self-Image Following Divorce," 30(2), Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 117-34 (2001).

 

54 B. Smyth, G. Sheehan, & B. Fehlberg, "Post-Divorce Parenting Patterns: A Summary of Findings from the Institute's Australian Divorce Transitions Project. Australian Institute of Family Studies," 59, Family Matters, 61-63 (2001).

 

55 S. Wolchik, S. Braver, & I. Sandler, "Maternal vs. Joint Custody: Children's Postseparation Experiences and Adjustment," 14(1), Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 5-10 (1985).

 

56 S. Wolchik, K. Wilcox, J. Tein, & I. Sandler, "Maternal Acceptance and Consistency of Discipline as Buffers of Divorce Sressors on Children's Psychological Adjustment Problems," 28(1), Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 87-102 (2000).

 

57 R. Simons, K. Lin, L. Gordon, R. Conger, & F. Lorenz, "Explaining the Higher Incidence of Adjustment Problems Among Children of Divorce Compared with Those in Two-Parent Families," 61, Journal of Marriage and the Family, 1020-33 (1999).

 

58 E. Hetherington & J. Kelly, For Better or For Worse: Divorce Reconsidered (New York: Norton, 2002).

59 P. Amato, "The Consequences of Divorce for Adults and Children," 62(4), Journal of Marriage and the Family, 1269-88 (2000).

 

60 Ibid.

 

61 E. Hetherington & J. Kelly, For Better or For Worse: Divorce Reconsidered (New York: Norton, 2002).

 

62 J. Kelly & R. Emery, "Children's Adjustment Following Divorce: Risk and Resilience Perspectives," 52(4), Family Relations, 352-62 (2003).

 

63 E. Hetherington & J. Kelly, For Better or For Worse: Divorce Reconsidered (New York: Norton, 2002).

 

64 P. Amato & J. Gilbreth, "Nonresident Fathers and Children's Well-Being: A Meta-Analysis," 61, Journal of Marriage and the Family, 557-73 (1999).

 

65 S. Wolchik, S. Braver, & I. Sandler, "Maternal vs. Joint Custody: Children's Postseparation Experiences and Adjustment," 14(1), Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 5-10 (1985).

 

66 P. Amato, "The Consequences of Divorce for Adults and Children," 62(4), Journal of Marriage and the Family, 1269-88 (2000).

 

67 E. Hetherington & J. Kelly, For Better or For Worse: Divorce Reconsidered (New York: Norton, 2002).

 

68 J. Kelly & R. Emery, "Children's Adjustment Following Divorce: Risk and Resilience Perspectives," 52(4), Family Relations, 352-62 (2003).

 

69S. Portnoy, "Effectively Representing the Unreasonable Client," 15(3), American Journal of Family Law, 177-82 (2001).

 

70 S. Portnoy, " 'Settling' Your Client into Settlement Negotiations," 16(1), American Journal of Family Law, 11-15 (2002).

 

71 S. Portnoy, "Client Reactions to Legal Fees: Meanings and Management," 17(3), American Journal of Family Law, 125-28 (2003).

 

72 J. Weinstein, "And Never the Twain Shall Meet: The Best Interests of Children and the Adversary System," 52:79, University of Miami Law Review, 79-175 (1997).

 

73 A. Robboy, Aftermarriage: The Myth of Divorce (Indianapolis: Alpha Books, 2002).

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